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高举马列毛主义的红色旗帜，坚定不移地领导菲律宾人民的民族民主革命，值此建党56周年之际，菲律宾共产党中央委员会向全体党的干部和活动家、新人民军的红色战士、民族民主阵线的盟友以及广大菲律宾人民群众致以热烈的革命问候。
值此之际，我们号召全党和全体革命力量：
深化和扩大整风运动！进一步将加强党的力量！在群众中扎根更深，坚定地领导他们反对美国-马科斯法西斯和官僚资本主义政权的斗争！坚持推进人民民主革命！
今天，我们缅怀中央委员会创始主席何塞·马利亚·西松（Jose Maria Sison）同志，他的马列毛主义理论著作继续照亮着菲律宾人民的革命道路。新一代的党的干部和战士将永远铭记西松同志毕生致力于无产阶级和所有被压迫、被剥削阶级的共产主义奉献精神，并从中汲取灵感。
我们向所有为菲律宾人民的民族民主事业无私奉献的英雄和烈士致敬。我们特别表彰过去一年中在人民战争和反对美国-马科斯法西斯政权的斗争中牺牲的所有党的领导人和新人民军红色战士。他们的名字将永远铭刻在菲律宾革命的史册上。
在党的周年纪念之际，我们还向全世界所有反抗美帝国主义、反对帝国主义战争和战争威胁的反帝、进步和民主政党、组织和运动致以战斗的革命问候。我们向所有在自己国家学习、宣传和运用马克思列宁主义，并领导工人和人民进行民族解放和社会主义斗争的共产主义革命力量致以兄弟般的问候。
我们纪念建党56周年，深刻意识到国际和国内经济和政治危机的迅速恶化正在为进行革命斗争创造有利条件。
全球资本主义体系继续表现为经济放缓、失业普遍、滞胀和衰退威胁加剧。美帝国主义正在欧洲、中东和亚洲煽动和加剧武装冲突。工人和人民正在抵抗帝国主义战争、代理人战争、法西斯压迫、公共开支削减、物价上涨，并为提高工资和其他紧迫的民主诉求发出呐喊。
菲律宾的统治体系深陷经济和政治危机之中。由于依赖进出口导向的本地经济持续衰退，数千万菲律宾人的社会经济状况急剧恶化。本地农业和工业生产的持续疲软导致失业率上升和大范围的经济衰退。另一方面，外国资本家的利润和国内寡头的财富继续通过剥削工人和掠夺自然资源，以及通过债务融资的公共支出和补贴而飙升。在马科斯的官僚资本主义和法西斯政权下，腐败和政治镇压进一步加剧。统治体系陷入日益严重的政治危机之中。马科斯政权对美国地缘政治利益的屈从正将菲律宾卷入帝国主义战争的漩涡。
在马科斯政权下，统治体系日益恶化的经济和政治危机继续唤起菲律宾人民采取行动，开展集体抵抗，为自己的迫切诉求而战。这为党在群众中扎根更深、更广，以领导他们反对美国-马科斯政权的斗争创造了更加有利的条件。
一、资本主义停滞不前，帝国主义煽动战争并激起反抗
资本主义世界正被各种矛盾引发的冲突所困扰，这些矛盾存在于垄断资产阶级和无产阶级之间、帝国主义和被压迫民族人民之间、帝国主义和维护国家主权的国家之间，以及各个帝国主义势力之间。目前，迅速加剧的帝国主义间冲突构成了定义当前世界形势的主要矛盾，美帝国主义在世界各地煽动和助长战争。
资本主义体系继续受到主要商品生产过剩的冲击，持续的产能过剩和未售出的制成品（包括消费电子产品、家居用品、汽车、机械、钢铁和建筑材料）和农产品（大豆、小麦、玉米等）库存积压。这导致了激烈的资本主义竞争，以争夺市场控制权以及以更低成本生产更多产品的原材料来源。由此产生的破产、兼并和收购导致资本进一步集中在少数垄断者手中。
全球资本主义仍然深陷经济和金融危机之中。它已经处于长达十五年多的缓慢增长的停滞状态，许多主要资本主义国家持续在衰退的边缘徘徊。疫情后的“反弹”未能达到以前的生产水平。预计今年和明年的全球经济增长不会超过3%。在企业倒闭和裁员潮中，生产力正在迅速遭到破坏。工人和劳动人民的社会经济状况不断恶化，而最大的资本主义亿万富翁却继续积累财富。工人阶级购买力的日益受限造成了相对于生产而言消费的瓶颈。不断增长的保护主义和地缘政治紧张局势扰乱了贸易流动，制造了市场壁垒，这只会加剧生产过剩。
与以往一样，支撑总需求的是债务，而不是提高工人阶级的工资和购买力。全球债务已膨胀至322.9万亿美元，在2024年前三个季度增加了12万亿美元。这相当于全球国内生产总值的326%。2024年的大部分外债用于资助基础设施项目，这些项目为跨国公司的进入提供便利，包括那些现在被包装成所谓“绿色经济”（太阳能、核电项目）的项目。2023年，全球总共有1.4万亿美元用于偿还外债。超过35个国家背负着债务，并且处于违约的边缘。不断膨胀的金融部门正在股票、房地产甚至加密货币领域制造投机泡沫。
美国经济仍然陷于停滞的困境，预计今年增长率仅为2.7%。它背负着35.5万亿美元的债务，占其经济总量的123%。官方统计数据称，约有1600万美国工人失业或未充分就业，但独立估计显示，实际失业人数为1.1亿。虽然身价2.7万亿美元的20位美国亿万富翁继续积累财富，但估计有4300万美国人生活在贫困之中，在通货膨胀加剧、家庭债务增加、低工资、无家可归者人数增加以及缺乏公共医疗保健的情况下，社会经济状况不断恶化。美国金融和股票市场因全球资金寻求避风港而出现的繁荣暂时支撑着美国经济，但这是一个严重的金融隐患。
欧洲最大的经济体也正面临停滞。英国经济在去年陷入衰退后，预计今年的增长不会超过1%。由于制造业需求疲软，德国经济预计今年将收缩0.2%，相比去年下降0.3%。面对创纪录的公共赤字，法国经济预计今年增长不会超过1.1%，明年为0.9%。欧洲的工人和人民面临就业不稳定、生活条件恶化、就业条件下降、因紧缩措施导致社会服务减少，以及工资不足以应对不断上涨的生活成本等问题。
日本经济仍然处于长期的停滞状态。预计今年增长率将低于1%。其8.6万亿美元的债务规模超过其经济总量的250%，严重制约着经济发展。中国经济预计2024年增长不会超过5%，低于去年，是自1990年代以来最慢的增速。中国经济受到房地产危机的困扰，表现为住房过剩、房地产开发商投资减少和债务未偿还、家庭债务上升以及国内消费支出放缓等问题。在全球经济普遍疲软的背景下，中国正在寻求提振经济的方法，同时面临着资本主义道路固有的生产过剩问题，即生产力超过市场消化商品的能力。中国已经开始面临资本主义发展轨道中固有的矛盾。
亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的绝大多数国家仍然落后且以农业为主，主要作为原材料的出口国或跨国公司廉价劳动力的提供者。全球资本主义停滞导致对廉价出口品的需求下降，也减缓了了外国对流水线制造业的投资。这些国家正承受着不断上升的贸易赤字和债务水平的重负。大多数人面临着日益恶化的社会经济状况，表现为贫困、饥饿、文盲现象、营养不良和疾病，以及因多年帝国主义掠夺土地（资源）而导致的气候灾害的严重影响。
全球资本主义停滞加剧了主要帝国主义大国之间的经济和政治冲突。虽然美国继续在推行新自由主义政策，打开它半殖民地和资本主义竞争对手的经济大门，但在过去十五年中实施了越来越多的保护主义措施，以试图重振国内工业生产。
拜登领导下的美国政府投入近400亿美元支持半导体生产，目标是控制全球30%的供应，这直接与台湾和日本形成竞争。美国提高了从中国进口的各类商品的关税。此外，它还对俄罗斯实施了经济和金融制裁，具体目标是切断俄罗斯对欧洲的石油和天然气出口。即将上任的美国总统特朗普已宣布计划进一步提高对中国的关税，以及对来自墨西哥和加拿大的进口商品的关税。
美国推行的保护主义措施遭到它帝国主义对手的反制。在俄罗斯和中国的倡议下，金砖国家（巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国和南非）最近扩充了四个新成员国（埃及、埃塞俄比亚、伊朗和阿联酋），并宣布计划增加13个其他“伙伴”国家。各方还在推动发展替代性金融系统，如金砖国家跨境支付倡议、中央银行数字货币和其他促进独立于美元贸易的系统，使这些国家不易受到美国制裁的影响。
美国垄断资产阶级试图扭转战略衰退，由此引发的经济竞争日益激烈，导致军事冲突愈演愈烈。在帝国主义列强中，美帝国主义最为好战，它试图反击对手，希望重新成为唯一的超级大国。它目前是世界上战争的主要煽动者。它积极挑起和助长战争，目的是从对手手中夺取战略资源。唐纳德·特朗普重返美国总统宝座，助长了美国新法西斯团体的崛起。他更积极地推行美国保护主义政策，必将进一步加剧帝国主义之间的冲突，包括与中国和俄罗斯的冲突，以及与美国传统盟友的冲突。
通过武装乌克兰并将武器部署在与俄罗斯接壤的乌东部边境附近，美国成功地挑起了俄罗斯2022年的进攻。此后，美国向乌克兰提供了超过1150亿美元的援助，其中一半以上是以武器的形式提供的，目的是延长战争时间，拖垮俄罗斯。为了使战争进一步升级，美国最近“授权”乌克兰向俄罗斯发射中程导弹，俄罗斯则首次使用高超音速导弹予以回应。
美国继续支持犹太复国主义以色列对加沙巴勒斯坦人民发动的种族灭绝战争，这场战争已造成超过45000人死亡，其中包括17000名儿童，近11万人受伤。美国向以色列提供了近180亿美元的军事援助，包括以色列用于轰炸和炮击加沙的炸弹和导弹。美国还默许并支持以色列去年10月对伊朗的空袭，以及去年11月对黎巴嫩的空袭，空袭造成3800人死亡，近16000人受伤。美国勾结以色列、土耳其、英国等北约部队，造成叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德（他允许俄罗斯在叙保持军事基地）下台和叙利亚政府崩溃。此后，美帝国主义支持以色列占领戈兰高地，发动空袭并深入叙利亚，同时在新政府的组建过程中谋求更大的控制权和影响力。
在助长乌克兰和中东战争的同时，美国海外军事力量主要集中在所谓的印太地区，与其“重返亚洲”战略相一致，主要目的是包围和遏制中国，并将矛头指向朝鲜民主主义人民共和国。美国继续加强其在日本、韩国以及菲律宾的军事基地。它推动日本增加军费开支并扩大军事力量以增强美国（势力范围的）军事力量。它将菲律宾作为在南中国海开展行动的基地，致使与中国冲突升温。
美国还继续对主张国家主权的国家进行政治和军事干预。它对委内瑞拉、古巴和其他拉美国家的政府进行各种形式的颠覆。美国还将矛头指向坚决反对美国干预中东的伊朗。
帝国主义危机和战争正在引发群众斗争和各种形式的抵抗。反帝国主义人民运动之间，以及反对美国干预主义的政府之间正在建立广泛联盟。委内瑞拉已采取主动，建立了一个反对美帝国主义的反法西斯统一战线。
美国和其他主要资本主义国家爆发了大规模工人斗争，要求提高工资和改善工作条件，包括去年10月50000名美国港口工人的罢工，以及波音公司33000名工人的罢工。法国数十万工人举行罢工，抗议削减公共服务预算。德国工人去年10月举行全国性罢工，要求提高工资。比利时、芬兰、意大利、西班牙、荷兰、塞浦路斯和其他国家也举行了大规模的工人罢工。韩国举行了大规模的工人抗议活动，要求罢免现任总统。世界各地还继续举行大规模的抗议活动，要求美国停止向以色列出口武器，并呼吁结束犹太复国主义对巴勒斯坦人的种族灭绝。在工人斗争广泛兴起的情况下，特别是在资本主义国家，激进的工人联盟和工人委员会涌现的条件已经成熟，它们可以作为工人为争取经济和政治诉求而斗争的广泛统一战线。
在世界上大多数仍处于半殖民地半封建状态的国家，广大工人、农民、半无产阶级和小资产阶级以及其他受压迫阶级和阶层，正在进行激进的斗争，以争取自身的经济和政治权利，反对傀儡和腐败政府。他们正在进行各种形式的抵抗，以推进他们争取民族解放的事业，特别是摆脱美帝国主义的统治。
国际人民之间的团结运动和组织继续扩大。他们在执行国际人民法庭关于国际人道主义法的决议方面取得了重大成就，包括关于巴勒斯坦局势的决议。历次全球大会都证明了这一点，这些大会在规模和广度上都是前所未有的。
半殖民地半封建国家被压迫阶级和人民争取民族解放的斗争与捍卫国家主权、反对美帝国主义侵略、干涉和颠覆的各国政府斗争是并行的。
世界各地的人民也继续进行武装抵抗，为民族解放而战。巴勒斯坦的革命力量仍然坚定地进行反对以色列占领其土地的武装斗争。库尔德人民也在为建立独立国家而进行武装抵抗。缅甸的少数民族群体和他们的军队继续与法西斯缅甸军政权作战。印度仍在进行革命武装斗争，反抗法西斯莫迪政权的残酷战争。在土耳其、哥伦比亚、菲律宾和其他国家，共产党也在继续领导武装抵抗。
二、在美国-马科斯政权统治下，经济状况恶化，国家主权进一步受到侵蚀，法西斯镇压加剧
菲律宾的长期危机持续恶化，使广大菲律宾人民的社会经济状况不断恶化。半殖民地半封建生产方式的衰败状态表现在生产力的破坏和其最恶劣特征的进一步恶化。
国内生产力的大规模破坏导致生产放缓（包括制造业和农业）。这造成了广泛的失业问题，进一步依赖进口商品来满足消费需求，以及物价飞涨。
本土的生产仍然落后且以农业为主。没有基础工业来支持经济的增长和扩张。几十年来的进口自由化和土地用途转换已经破坏了本地的生产力，特别是本地的农业生产。在过去三年中，农业生产力持续下降，导致创纪录的农业贸易逆差，加剧了对粮食进口的依赖，农民群众的生活水平也持续恶化。制造业在经济中所占的比重已降至1949年以来的最低水平。然而，马科斯仍在继续推行新自由主义政策，这些政策加剧了国家对进口的依赖，扩大了跨国公司的特权和优惠政策，进一步削弱了本地生产力。
这些导致了高物价、低工资以及数百万劳动人民的经济困境。我国长期存在的贸易逆差正处于历史新高。由于菲律宾缺乏赚取外汇的工业出口能力，经济严重依赖海外汇款和外债来为进口融资。截至2024年9月，我国的外债总额已增至1396亿美元，相当于国内生产总值（GDP）的31%，这是近15年来的最高水平，其中869亿美元是公共外债。
在小马科斯执政下，国家政府债务持续急剧上升，到2024年10月已超过16万亿比索，即在马科斯六年任期还未过半的情况下，就新增了高达3.2万亿比索，增幅达25%。这一增长主要用于扩大大型买办资产阶级的业务扩展以及偿还外债和内债。马科斯政府每月2040亿比索的总借款额，超过了杜特尔特时期（1310亿比索）和阿基诺时期（615亿比索）每月借款额的总和。自动债务偿还额在持续上升。仅利息支付一项，就从2023年的6283亿比索增加到2024年的7634亿比索，增幅达22%。预计到2025年将再次增长11%，达到8480亿比索。利息和本金摊销的总和更高，从2023年的1.57万亿比索，增至2024年的2.03万亿比索，预计到2025年将达到2.05万亿比索。
全球经济停滞导致国内经济放缓，尤其是在组装和半加工领域。在全球供应过剩的情况下，半导体出口预计将至少萎缩10%，导致当地组装厂关闭或裁员。生产服装、线材和其他出口商品的企业也出现了类似的裁员情况。
菲律宾的失业人数仍然处于历史高位。国家机构通过操纵统计数据来掩盖这一事实。他们过度扩展了“就业”类别的范围，甚至将近 300 万进行无偿家庭劳动的人，以及数千万的拾荒者、摊贩、小型运输经营者、街角商店老板、家庭佣工、YouTube 博主和 TikTok 博主以及从事其他非正式零工的人员都包括在内。事实上，许多人本质上是失业者，他们只是勉强维持生计，收入微薄、不稳定、处于贫困水平，而且没有任何福利或社会保障。为了掩盖失业的严重性，国家统计人员还拉低了“劳动力参与率”，从而将数百万人排除在失业统计之外。
失业问题在年轻人中尤为严重，包括那些无法找到与受教育领域相符工作的毕业生。首都及其他主要城市充斥着庞大的劳动力后备军。随着土地掠夺和数百万农民失去生计，农村失业率持续上升。结果，由于国内缺乏就业机会，仅在2024年的前九个月，每天就有超过7500名工人离开菲律宾前往海外寻求工作。据报道，海外菲律宾人总数接近 1100 万，其中包括约 600 万有证件和无证件的海外移民。
在马科斯政权下，由于食品、燃料、电力、水和其他公共服务和公用事业的价格不断上涨，广大人民群众的生活水平正在迅速恶化。尤其是在资产阶级买办集团（卡特尔：cartels）和走私者与政府官员勾结控制的大米价格的推动下，食品通货膨胀率居高不下。工人和基层员工的工资与一个五口之家的日常生活成本之间的差距继续扩大。在急于“吸引”外资的情况下，马科斯政权实施了压低工资的政策。
马科斯的官员通过使用不切实际的低贫困线，炮制出严重低估的贫困数字。该政权吹嘘称本国经济增长是该地区最快的之一，很快就能达到中上收入国家的水平。而实际上，菲律宾贫困和饥饿人口的数量增长最快。自马科斯上台以来，菲律宾的贫困家庭数量增加了 50%（约 400 万），从 800 万上升至超过 1200 万。饥饿家庭的数量增加了近 120%（340 万），从 290 万上升至 600 多万。随着物价飞涨和购买力骤降，没有储蓄的家庭数量增加了 150 万，从 1870 万上升至超过 2000 万。甚至中央银行的研究也证实，超过 75% 的菲律宾人处于贫困之中。
当绝大多数菲律宾人民遭受生活条件恶化、失业和生计无着之苦时，马科斯家族和统治阶级却沉溺于财富和特权之中。马科斯动用公款频繁出国旅游，乘坐公务直升机进行私人旅行以避开拥堵的交通，在总统府举行宴会和私人音乐会，并在马拉卡南宫（Malacañang）院内为自己和家人提供度假村般的住所。
当绝大多数菲律宾人民遭受生活条件恶化、失业和生计无着之苦时，马科斯家族和统治阶级却沉溺于财富和特权之中。马科斯动用公款频繁出国旅游，乘坐公务直升机进行私人旅行以避开拥堵的交通，在总统府举行宴会和私人音乐会，并在马拉卡南宫（Malacañang）院内为自己和家人提供度假村般的住所。
马科斯控制着“马哈利卡基金”（Maharlika Fund）下高达 5000 亿比索的公共资金，其中 750 亿比索已经被转移，他可以自由地将这些资金用于支持其青睐的私营企业以及由政府担保的基础设施项目。在马科斯 2025 年的预算中，至少有 1.5 万亿比索被分配用于修建或扩建那些因腐败而臭名昭著的道路和桥梁项目。教育、卫生和其他公共服务的拨款被削减，转而以所谓的补贴和援助金的形式进行政治分肥（pork barrel）。马科斯还为自己划拨了 45 亿比索的机密和情报资金。
统治体系日益恶化的危机继续加剧了马科斯政权下的政治危机。统治阶级可瓜分的经济资源蛋糕不断缩小，使得统治集团的官僚资本家们更加贪得无厌，并且觊觎彼此的特权和财富。他们争夺政府合同以获取自己的那份贿赂。他们利用政府权力和特权来照顾他们在商业上的亲信和在政治上的支持者。
随着 2025 年中期选举的临近，马科斯家族和杜特尔特家族之间的冲突加剧，这两个家族代表了当前统治集团中争夺经济特权和政治权力的两个主要派别，而中期选举被视为2028年总统大选的关键准备。由马科斯控制的众议院以危害人类罪起诉了杜特尔特，这些指控类似于那些“法外处决”的受害者向国际刑事法院（ICC）提起的指控。此外，至少有三起针对杜特尔特女儿、副总统兼前教育部长莎拉（Sara）的弹劾申诉被提起，涉及她对超过 5 亿比索的“机密资金”的违规使用等诸多问题。由于不确定武装部队是否完全忠诚，以及杜特尔特家族在军队中还剩多少影响力，马科斯正在拖延对莎拉·杜特尔特的弹劾，以及国际刑事法院逮捕和起诉罗德里戈·杜特尔特的行动。
马科斯傀儡政权继续对其美帝国主义主子表现出公开的屈从。它允许美国加强其在菲律宾的军事据点，服务于美国投射和扩张在亚太地区的军事力量的目的。马科斯政权与美国国防和军事官员一同签署了《双边安全指南》和《安全部门援助路线图》，这将菲律宾进一步捆绑在美国的地缘政治军事利益上。它还与美国和日本签署了一项声明，以建立一个明显服务于五角大楼的“印太战略”的三边联盟。
在马科斯执政下，美国的军事基地和设施数量从 4 个增加到大约 20 个，包括那些在《加强防务合作协议》（Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement）下正式承认的基地，以及那些未向公众公开的地点。美国的阴谋是将我国作为在该地区发起针对中国和朝鲜民主主义人民共和国的军事和海军行动的跳板。美国还在日本、韩国和澳大利亚维持着大量的军事力量，同时至少有三个航母打击群不断在中国周边海域巡弋。美国在我国几乎每天都在进行军事演习。今年 4 月的“肩并肩”（Balikatan 2024）演习是历史上规模最大的一次，有超过 11,000 名美国士兵参与。
美军在巴拉望岛以及菲律宾武装部队的主要总部都设有指挥中心，以领导和协调菲律宾和美国部队的海军和海岸警卫队行动，包括在仁爱礁的“补给任务”、“航行自由”以及在南海周边的其他行动，目的是投射美国军事力量。这些行动不仅挑衅并加剧了与中国的紧张关系，同时还伴随着在菲律宾人中煽动排华情绪的运动。中国对这些行动的回应是采取越来越强硬的海军和海上行动，侵犯了菲律宾在西菲律宾海的专属经济权利，使得菲律宾和中国之间通过和平对话解决海上争端变得更加困难。
在美国的指导下，马科斯政权继续推行菲律宾武装部队的“现代化”，以使其成为美国一支“可互用的”（interoperable）辅助力量。在美国的“对外军事资助”（foreign military financing, FMF）计划下，二手作战物资被“转移”给菲律宾军方。通过对外军事资助计划，美国在 2024 年向菲律宾承诺提供 5 亿美元，并提出了 2025-2029 年间总额为 25 亿美元的一揽子计划。
在美国的军事和财政支持下，马科斯政权针对菲律宾人民及其有组织的爱国和民主力量加强了政治镇压和镇压战争。与此同时，它正在发动一场全面的虚假信息宣传和心理战，反复宣布全国各省“无叛乱”，以此掩盖肆意侵犯人权和违反国际人道主义法的行为。
菲律宾武装部队多次宣布计划从“内部防御”转向“外部防御”，并采用“一体化国土防御体系”（integrated territorial defense system），其中包括扩大和加强其准军事部队（CAFGU，即民兵武装）。这些公开声明也是为了向马科斯的帝国主义主子保证，一旦帝国主义之间的武装冲突或公开战争加剧，马科斯政府随时准备投入更多军事力量，增援美军在南中国海的行动。
为了镇压人民对官僚资本主义、法西斯主义和傀儡政权的武装和非武装抵抗，马科斯不择手段，对人民实施最野蛮和无情的镇压。他命令菲律宾武装部队在农村的数千个村庄和社区实施戒严，重新启用他残暴父亲在令人憎恶的独裁统治期间使用的血腥的法西斯镇压手段。
在“社区支持项目”的幌子下，菲律宾武装部队派遣战斗部队在平民居住的社区内建立营地和据点，此举违反了国际人道法。他们滥用权力，在民众中制造恐慌。社区被置于类似军事驻地或战略村（Hamlet, Strategic Hamlet）式的控制之下。法西斯分子通过检查站和登记簿、食品和商业封锁、宵禁和各种任意政策来限制人民的自由流动或旅行的权利。这些政策还包括禁止农民在特定时间耕种他们的农田，从而扰乱了他们的生计。这些士兵充当法官、陪审团和刽子手的角色，将平民标记为“支持者”或“叛乱分子”，强迫他们“澄清”或向军方“投降”，这些都发生在他们自己法律规定的法律程序之外，并伴随着法外处决和酷刑的威胁。
这些法西斯分子为人民所深恶痛绝。他们为了扼杀青年人追求社会正义的愿望，助长青年人中吸毒、色情、卖淫等反社会恶习。他们夜间酗酒，醉酒士兵随意开枪，扰乱社区安宁。这些士兵还涉及越来越多的性骚扰、猥亵和强奸妇女的案件。
由士兵犯下的大屠杀、法外处决、酷刑、绑架、非法逮捕和其他罪行的数量持续增加。为了给这些罪行辩护，菲律宾武装部队的各个部队发布虚假声明，声称他们的受害者是在遭遇战中丧生的红色战士，纵然这些说法立即遭到当地居民的驳斥。还发生了杀害老年人、整个家庭、孕妇和儿童的案件。政治压迫、侵犯人权和违反人道主义法的罪行在一些地区最为严重，在这些地区，军队被用来将人们赶出自己的土地，或镇压他们对大型采矿和种植公司、能源和生态旅游项目等进入的反抗。
在城市，军队和警察部队也采用类似的政治镇压手段来压制人民的抗争。他们向城市贫民社区派遣武装士兵和特工队伍，对人民进行监视、骚扰，强迫人民”投降”和”转变”，实施逮捕、绑架和杀害。军方特工与资本家勾结，锁定工会领袖和组织者，并“家访”他们的住所，以此恐吓他们及其家人，企图迫使他们停止组织活动。军队和情报人员还把目标对准学生、妇女、教会人士、卫生工作者和其他社会群体。菲律宾武装部队与国家特别工作组（NTF-Elcac）以及其他反动政府机构狼狈为奸，以“打击暴力极端主义”为借口，发起了一场反共迫害运动，侵犯了人民组织起来和表达不满的权利。
面对日益加剧的压迫、剥削和法西斯暴行，菲律宾人民毫不畏惧。广泛的人民群众决心为自己的权利、迫切要求和长远理想而斗争。他们继续组织起来，开展坚决的斗争。
吉普尼（jeepney）司机和运营商针对马科斯政权淘汰吉普尼的计划发起了激烈的抗议活动，这项计划将剥夺数万人的生计来源。我们可以观察到工人运动的明显兴起，他们正在组建工会并提出加薪要求。许多地方的农民继续开展斗争，反抗大地主和买办资产阶级掠夺他们土地的企图。群众组织纷纷发出呼声，要求降低大米、燃料、电力等物价。从欧洲到中东，从海员到家庭佣工，菲律宾海外劳工正在积极壮大他们的组织力量，坚决推进其各项诉求。
人们发起了反对美国在菲律宾进行军事演习、反对美国军事基地以及反对美国在南中国海军事干预的抗议活动。同时，人们还举行集会声援巴勒斯坦人民，抗议美国-以色列在加沙进行的种族灭绝。
近期灾难的受害者们也提出了赔偿要求，控诉国家未能保障人民的安全。他们同时也抗议政府推行采矿和其他破坏环境的政策。
要求释放政治犯、让被强迫失踪的受害者现身、以及为所有人权侵犯案件受害者伸张正义的呼声持续高涨。同时，要求马科斯政权与国际刑事法院合作，逮捕并起诉罗德里戈·杜特尔特的人道罪行的呼声也在增长。还有人呼吁弹劾副总统萨拉·杜特尔特，并谴责马科斯政权的腐败。
即使在开展抗议活动，反对马科斯政权的傀儡统治、腐败行径、法西斯主义和反人民政策的同时，合法的民族民主群众组织、联盟和政党也推出了11人参议员候选人名单，此外还有若干政党名单团体参与国会席位的竞选。他们积极推广民族民主纲领，同时推进紧急改革方案，致力于缓解民众因普遍失业和深重贫困所遭受的苦难。他们正在揭露和挑战由统治阶级门阀政党把持的反动选举。他们积极参与选举，以唤起更多人民，动员他们为自己的候选人投票，更重要的是建立新的分支并发展新成员，为未来更伟大的群众斗争做准备。
在即将到来的一年里，坚持不懈地唤起、组织和动员人民，必将推动民主群众运动稳步向前发展。人民决心建立、加强和壮大他们的工会和所有类型的群众组织，以便他们能够更有效地为自身的经济和政治利益而斗争，推进民族民主事业。
统治体系不断加剧的经济政治危机和日益激化的阶级矛盾，正在为菲律宾共产党的进一步壮大创造有利条件。党的干部和党员必须竭尽全力，在群众中扎下更深更广的根，以唤起和领导群众走上人民民主革命的道路。
III. The rectification movement is firmly taking root, but much work remains to be done
The Communist Party of the Philippines, is the advanced detachment of the Filipino proletariat. It applies the universal theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the working class ideology, on the concrete conditions of Philippines society, dominated by US imperialism, and under the class rule of the big bourgeois compradors and big landlord class. The Party has put forward the program for a people’s democratic revolution as the solution to the chronic crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal system, to unite the patriotic and democratic classes of workers, peasants, the semiproletariat, the petty-bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie.
The Party was established on December 26, 1968, and has since been at the forefront of the Filipino people in waging the national democratic revolution. It is a highly-disciplined organization that follows the principles of democratic centralism. It is composed of proletarian cadres and activists who are deeply and widely rooted among the masses. It leads the revolutionary organizations and mass struggles of workers, peasants and other democratic classes and sectors. It leads the New People’s Army in waging protracted people’s war in accordance with the strategic line of encircling the cities from the countryside. It established and leads the National Democratic Front as the most consolidated core of the united front.
The Party exercises criticism and self-criticism to ensure that its revolutionary practice keeps in line with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and with its basic principles and policies. It is constantly engaged in a struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideas, which assert its influence both externally and internally. The Party must periodically conduct rectification campaigns, either general or particular, as a way of correcting errors in policy and practice.
Exactly a year ago, the Central Committee called on the entire membership of the Party to carry out a rectification movement, in order to sharply identify, criticize and repudiate all types of petty-bourgeois subjectivism, a malady which permeated the Party to various levels and degrees, and weakened it from within. Over the course of the past decade or so, advancing the revolutionary mass movement was hindered by Right opportunist tendencies of conservatism, tailism, legalism, economism, reformism, and NGOism; while the revolutionary armed struggle was impaired by self-constriction leading to military conservatism and loss of guerrilla initiative.
We are happy to report that the internal campaign of study and self-criticism is firmly taking root and is steadily gaining ground. But much more work remains to be done. We are still at the very early stages. Past errors, weaknesses and shortcomings continue to assert their maleficent influence. The rectification movement must be further deepened to decisively pull out the subjectivist roots of our errors, weaknesses and shortcomings, to reinforce and strengthen the Party, decisively overcome the long-standing problems of stagnation, and bring about a revolutionary resurgence.
The rectification movement is a study movement that aims to raise the capability of the Party’s cadres and activists to wield scientific theory and the proletarian method of thinking as instruments to guide and raise the level of the practical revolutionary work. It is a reaffirmation of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, as well as of the Party’s basic principles, analyses and policies, and program for waging a national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective.
The current rectification movement primarily aims to correct and overcome the weaknesses, shortcomings and errors resulting from empiricism. Empiricism is a form of subjectivism that arises from the lack of rigorous study and application of theory to guide, sum-up and raise the level of practice. We seek to address the long standing problems of stagnation in the different fields of revolutionary work over the course of close to past two decades, and reversals and losses since 2017-2018. This is being done through summing-up of experiences, criticism and self-criticism, in line with the Party’s basic principles, policies and programs, and through a campaign of social investigation and class analysis at different levels of Party work.
The rectification movement is being carried out in the face of the enemy’s relentless and brutal campaign of suppression, both in the cities and countryside. By overcoming errors, weaknesses and shortcomings of the past years, we are determined to frustrate the enemy’s all-out war, recover from our losses, gain new victories and advance the Filipino people’s revolutionary resistance.
The initiation of the rectification movement last year was welcomed by all leading committees of the Party. It has roused and inspired the Party’s cadres and activists, as well as the revolutionary masses. It imbued the Party’s leaders and members with the spirit of self-criticism. They are determined to rectify and overcome their errors, weaknesses and shortcomings, in order to strengthen the Party and help rouse the people to fight more militantly, wage revolution and frustrate the enemy’s brutal war of suppression.
The rectification movement seeks to strengthen the ideological and political mettle of our cadres. Due to lack of constant ideological study and reaffirmation of commitment to the proletarian cause, and in the face of the enemy’s brutal war of suppression and incessant attacks, some cadres are bound to be paralyzed by mortal fear or by their overwhelming desire for comfort. But the overwhelming majority of our cadres, motivated by the revolutionary cause that is much greater than themselves, are determined to make the necessary sacrifices to ensure their security and the success of the Party and its rectification movement.
In line with the call of the Central Committee, Party committees and revolutionary mass organizations initiated plans to carry out study campaigns throughout the year. These have been implemented to various degrees of success. Some have adjusted their methods in accordance with objective conditions (including staggered discussions and smaller groups to adapt to highly mobile guerrilla maneuvers, short night classes to adapt to the busy workday of the peasant masses, one-on-one discussions with new recruits, and so on). Some have taken the initiative to establish a formal structure of study under the Jose Maria Sison School where students enrol in formal and regular classes. Marxist-Leninist-Maoist books and articles are being made available in both paper and digital form. Others, however, have not been as militant and creative resulting in lower levels of success.
Our Party has recently produced articles studying some important questions including the current imperialist crisis and threats of war, the current wage struggle, the “BPO industry” and the phenomenon of the “gig workers,” and outstanding questions of tactics in waging guerrilla warfare to overcome the enemy’s ruthless war of suppression and gradual constriction. There is need need to come up with even more theoretical studies and articles on important issues which the Party face day to day.
Regional Party committees and other leading committees, including those overseas, are working hard to complete or review their summing-up documents in line with the rectification movement. Some committees have already completed their summing-up papers, even before the rectification movement. Some are in the process of revisiting these summing-up papers in light of the rectification movement, in order to pinpoint particular manifestations of petty-bourgeois subjectivism in their own ideological, political and organizational work, as basis for self-criticism. Majority of our leading committees, however, are still at various stages of completion. Some committees face problems of missing documents or non-documentation of the work of their committee in previous years, making it difficult for the current leaders, especially the younger cadres, to complete a chronicle of their work.
Since the start of the year, Party committees, cadres and activists initiated SICA (social investigation and class analysis) campaigns in line with the program and instructions set by the Central Committee. The campaign seeks to correct past weaknesses of failing to come up with tactics for organizing and mobilizing the people in accordance with changed conditions, resulting in mechanical work and muddling through “mass work” in the past. This campaign has involved training, re-training or upgrading of knowledge of cadres and activists in the scientific method of investigation of collecting and collating information from the masses and other sources. Initial efforts have resulted in significant progress in drawing up a strategy and program for mass work, and in issuing timely calls to organize and mobilize the masses. However, majority of our committees are still at the initial stages.
Amid the severe economic crisis, the broad masses of the people are ever receptive to national democratic propaganda and organizing. They are ever determined to oppose the corruption, oppression and burdensome policies of the US-Marcos fascist regime, and fight for their social, economic and political interests, especially in the face of worsening bureaucrat capitalism and fascism. To effectively fight, their mass organizations must be established, expanded and strengthened.
Party cadres and activists are being mobilized to undertake comprehensive mass work to arouse the masses, build their organizations of various types, and mobilize them in an all-round way. Mass work teams or propaganda and organizing teams are being dispatched to factories, urban poor communities, campuses, as well as to rural communities. However, many remain hobbled by inertia, old practices of sweeping, office-based and activity-driven work, lack of full-time revolutionary organizers, lack of social investigation, inability to downlink the burning issues of the day with the concrete local problems, failure to uplink local problems to general mass campaigns, and other shortcomings. We also observe “Left” sectarian problems of mobilizing only the relatively active elements of the masses, and failing to galvanize the middle elements to win over the relatively backward. There are committed efforts by Party committees and cadres to overcome and resolve these problems by going back to basic principles of mass line and leadership.
There are steady efforts to rebuild the underground revolutionary organizations allied with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, such as those among the youth, workers, peasants, women, teachers, health workers, and others. This comes from the almost complete neglect of building the underground revolutionary movement arising from the error of legalism and reformism. There are plans and target for recruitment, building new chapters, promoting and supporting the revolutionary armed struggle in the countryside. Efforts are being exerted to reinvigorate enlistment campaigns for Red fighters and political officers for the New People’s Army. However, a lot more has to be done in order to respond to the urgent need for more recruits, especially from among young workers and intellectuals.
In launching the rectification movement last year, the Party leadership took notice of the particular problem of self-constriction of NPA units, which resulted in a reduction of the mass base to a few reliable areas. Extended periods of mountain-basing of company and platoon formations, limiting areas of operation in “favorite barrios” and other similar manifestations of self-constriction resulted in a loss of initiative, civilianization and military conservatism. When the enemy launched its strategic offensives in 2017-18, not a few units of the NPA became detached from the political support of the masses and were forced into a purely military situation, while the peasant mass base was subjected by the enemy to gross brutalities. Due to these errors and shortcomings, the NPA suffered grave losses and reversals in some regions and guerrilla fronts.
In some guerrilla fronts, NPA platoons and squads were able to quickly reorganize and redeploy in line with the rectification movement and along the principle of extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on an ever widening and deepening mass base. Platoons of the NPA are creatively and wisely exercising flexibility in dispersal, concentration and shifting and are re-mastering quick movements to move at lightning speed. The Party’s rectification movement has inspired the Red fighters of the New People’s Army to persevere along the arduous path of the protracted people’s war to rebuild and expand the mass base, defend the people against state terrorism, preserve and strengthen the NPA, and frustrate the enemy’s strategic offensives.
The Party continues to build international relations on the basis of anti-imperialism and proletarian internationalism. The Party has made important contributions to the three theoretical conferences organized by the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Since October 2023, these conferences have tackled the questions of imperialism and wars, the global imperialist economic crisis, and the struggle for national liberation from imperialism. These conferences serve as fora for building closer relations and understanding between revolutionary communist and workers parties and groups.
Through the Party’s initiative, activities in proletarian solidarity relationships have increased in the past year. There have been more bilateral exchanges and joint study sessions between the Party and other proletarian parties and groups. We have participated in congresses of other parties and made contributions to different fora.
The international representatives of the Party and the NDFP continue to actively promote the Philippine revolution, forge solidarity with anti-imperialist parties, and develop protodiplomatic relations with governments on the basis of common aspirations for national and social liberation.
Leading committees of the Party at all levels are being infused with new blood through the active promotion of younger cadres based on their meritorious record and performance of duties. By combining the young with the old-timers, we ensure that the Party’s leadership is capable, energetic and vibrant, and can perform the arduous tasks of the proletarian vanguard for a long time to come. The rise of young cadres to positions of leadership at different levels underscore the urgency of summing-up experiences in order to transfer the skills and accumulated knowledge to incoming generation of Party leaders.
Territorial committees are being established to build and develop the mass movement outside the scope and reach of the people’s army. Doing so ensures that the Party is capable of arousing, organizing and mobilizing workers, peasants, semiproletariat, students, and other sectors outside or on the outskirts of guerrilla fronts, and is not constrained by the scope or area of operation of the NPA’s guerrilla units. These committees work closely with guerrilla front committees to ensure the steady political, material and organizational support for the people’s army and the antifeudal and antifascist struggles of the peasant masses.
With the rectification movement, Party committees are now more conscientious in guarding against liberalism, ultra-democracy and bureaucratism. These weaknesses have undermined democratic centralism, and the capability of the Party to march as one body.
In some parts of the Party and revolutionary movement, we have seen violations of various organizational policies and Party discipline, some of which were allowed to go unchecked for long periods, eroding unity, endangering the security of cadres, and undermining the Party’s prestige. To rectify this situation, we have reissued and clarified our policies. These violations have been decisively criticized, analyzed and repudiated in some parts.
We continue to strengthen our system of reporting to correct the situation where Party centers were not kept abreast of the situation and progress of revolutionary work of lower committees. Our leading organs are now relatively better informed of developments on the ground, enabling them to issue timely policies, guidelines, advisories and plans. However, some lower committees have yet to improve their practice and have failed to submit regular reports.
Liberalism and ultra-democracy are diseases that weaken Party discipline. Despite the rectification movement, these continue to afflict some parts of the Party in different forms, including turfism, small-group mentality, endless debates and unresolved bickerings. On the other hand, we also continue to face problems of bureaucratism, where Party cadres in leading positions fail to give painstaking attention to the conditions facing collectives and members in the lower committees, to help them resolve problems and advance.
Petty-bourgeois liberalism continues to erode the militance and dedication of some cadres. Some cadres remain distracted by too much individual concerns and could not give full attention to revolutionary work. Many remain afflicted with an employee mentality, are tied down to their offices and homes, and could not devote full-time to organizing work among the masses. Some leading cadres have yet to step outside their comfort zones.
While much work remains to be done, the Party remains ever resolute in its commitment to comprehensively carry forward the rectification movement. Through the tireless efforts of all our proletarian cadres and revolutionary activists, we can declare with certainty that the roots of the rectification movement will continue to deepen and expand. It will allow the Party to grow sturdier and stronger as it leads the people with unwavering revolutionary spirit.
IV. Fulfill the tasks of the rectification movement and advance the revolution!
The objective conditions are ever favorable for advancing the people’s democratic revolution amid the continuing global capitalist crisis and sharp deterioration of semicolonial and semifeudal conditions in the country. It is up to the subjective forces to take full advantage of the situation to advance the people’s cause for national and social liberation.
The current situation urgently entails exerting utmost efforts to increase the ideological, political and organizational strength of the Party and all revolutionary forces. We must heighten our determination and comprehensively raise our capability to shoulder the tasks of arousing, organizing and mobilizing the broad masses along the path of the people’s democratic revolution and its socialist future.
Deepen and broaden the rectification movement! Further strengthen the Party!
The rectification movement, launched last year by the Central Committee, is an internal movement of study and self-criticism that aims to rectify errors and overcome weaknesses and shortcomings. These have arisen principally from petty-bourgeois subjectivism, mainly in the form of empiricism, in the Party’s ideological, political and organizational work.
The rectification movement must be deepened and broadened. We saw during the past year that it is not enough to proclaim the rectification movement and declare support for it. All Party committees, from the center to all branches, must carry out self-criticism and rectification of past errors, fully imbibe Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to revolutionize their thinking and methods of work, and move forward with full ardor. We will measure the success of the rectification movement with concrete numbers indicating both quantitative increase and qualitative growth of the Party, the revolutionary armed struggle, the revolutionary mass movement and the organized mass base.
We reaffirm the 8-point components of the rectification movement as we outlined in the statement last year. These component are, namely: a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist study campaign, a campaign to reaffirm the Party’s constitution and program, a campaign to study the documents of the First and Second Great Rectification Movement, a summing-up campaign, a SICA (social investigation and class analysis) campaign, a campaign of criticism and self-criticism at all levels, a campaign of evaluation and promotion of cadres, and a continuing campaign to ensure implementation of the Party’s three-level education course.
In deepening the rectification movement, we must implement our study campaigns plans in a sustained and vigorous manner, make timely assessments to ensure that problems are quickly resolved. Let us develop a militant style of combining theoretical study with practice, like having petty-bourgeois intellectuals partner with workers in studying wages or Marxist political economy.
All cadres of the Party must study Marxism-Leninism-Maoism even more assiduously. We will republish and circulate the text of the Philippine Selections of key articles by Mao Zedong to serve as reading and study requirement for all Party cadres. Cadres must pay even greater attention to theoretical study which become even more crucial as they shoulder bigger tasks in practical revolutionary work.
We must more sharply discern, differentiate and criticize pseudo-socialism, anarchism, gender radicalism, and other types of petty-bourgeois revolutionism which have permeated parts of the Party. These cause confusion and weaken one’s revolutionary handle on outstanding questions. We must expose these bourgeois and petty-bourgeois reformist trends among the workers, peasants, intellectuals, and other sectors and movements, who try to draw the masses of the Filipino people away from the path of revolutionary struggle, especially armed struggle.
The Central Committee’s summing-up of major events and decisions of the previous period must be decisively completed, to serve as overall guide in the work of summing-up of all committees. At the same time, previously written summing-up documents by leading committees (those covering the period around 2010 onwards) must be reviewed from the lens of the current rectification movement.
In addition to completing the chronicle of past events and decisions, and identifying our strengths and weaknesses, we must also pinpoint the petty-bourgeois class nature of our errors and shortcomings, so that we can strengthen proletarian leadership of the different fields of revolutionary work. There must be clear criticism and self-criticism by our cadres and committees. Summing-up documents should be immediately studied by members within the territory or line of work.
In broadening the rectification movement, we seek to ensure that it covers all parts of the Party and all aspects of revolutionary work. The eight components of the rectification movement must be comprehensively implemented. Efforts must be sustained. We must guard against slacking, overcome inertia and resist regressing to previous practices.
Let us continually revolutionize the Party through proletarian class remoulding of our cadres’ methods of work and leadership, as well as lifestyle. We can do so by making sure that our cadres and committees are closely linked to the masses at all times. We call on all Party cadres and activists to break out of their “comfort zones” and dedicate themselves fully to fulfilling the revolutionary tasks assigned to them. We must decisively criticize and repudiate violations of the Party’s policies and ensure that discipline is kept constantly high.
The Party must continue to put forward its critical analysis of the outstanding national and international issues and events to help raise the people’s awareness and political consciousness. We must continue to regularly publish and distribute printed copies of Ang Bayan and make sure that it is widely disseminated among members of all Party branches, as well as members of the revolutionary mass organizations.
We must continue to increase the Party’s membership following the principle of boldly expanding without letting a single undesirable in. We must strengthen democratic centralism and the committee system, ensuring regular meetings and collective decision-making. All committees must establish regular communication lines with their higher committee and submit regular and timely reports.
We must raise the capability of Party sections and branches to carry out revolutionary work within the scope of their responsibility and leadership. Territorial committees of the Party from the district up, both in and outside the guerrilla fronts, must dutifully guide and train local Party cadres in the performance of their work.
We must sustain efforts at timely evaluation and promotion of Party cadres to positions of responsibility and leadership. This must be accomplished during regular conferences, or by executive committees, between conferences.
Strike deeper and wider roots among the masses and firmly lead their struggle against the puppet, bureaucrat capitalist, and fascist Marcos regime!
The US-Marcos regime is the most concentrated expression of the basic problems of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. We are seeing under Marcos unprecedented scale of corruption, fascism, and subservience to US imperialist. In the face of worsening forms of oppression and exploitation, the Filipino people are ever determined to rise and resist, and wage major antifascist, anti-imperialist and antifeudal mass struggles and campaigns in the coming years.
They are determined to fight their utmost to shatter the reign of fascist terror in the countryside, demand an end to martial law rule in rural communities, and resist the Marcos policy of political repression and state violence. The struggle against martial law in the countrysides must be waged both in the villages and cities. A campaign to expose fascist terrorism in the countryside and support the peasant masses’ resistance must be waged determinedly in the cities and overseas. Conditions favor the rise of a broad anti-fascist united front among the various democratic sectors.
Deteriorating socioeconomic conditions push the people to rise in protest against relentless increases in the price of food, fuel and other basic commodities, as well as against bureaucrat capitalist corruption under the Marcos regime. Workers are pressed to more forcefully struggle for wage increases to provide their families with decent living standards, better working conditions and an end to labor contractualization and other exploitative schemes of flexible employment. Their clamor for a ₱1,200 national minimum wage must be amplified, to rouse workers to build their unions, and wage collective struggles in their factories and communities.
The peasant masses are pushed to intensify their struggle against further import liberalization of rice and other agricultural commodities. At the same time, they are compelled to fight vigorously the entry of mining, plantations and other land grabbing and environmentally destructive operations (especially amid push to give foreign capitalists the right to lease land up to 99 years), and fight against the militarization of their communities. Climate disasters compel the Filipino masses to demand economic compensation over the loss of their property and livelihood. The peasant masses must strengthen their organizations and associations and courageously rise to defend their lives and livelihood.
The Filipino people are faced with the need to intensify their campaign against US military bases and US military intervention, and to fight the subservience of the Marcos regime to US imperialism, which puts the country at increasing risk of getting entangled in an inter-imperialist war. We must launch a sustained campaign to expose the schemes of the US to impose its military might in the Philippines, and how this are linked to rising inter-imperialist conflicts, and to US schemes to establish its hegemony in different parts of the world. We must rouse the Filipino people’s patriotism and link their struggles with the anti-imperialist struggles of peoples around the world.
It is the duty of the Party to lead the broad masses of the Filipino people in their economic and political struggles by striking deeper and wider roots among the masses. To do so, we must raise the Party’s capability to arouse, organize and mobilize the broad masses in their numbers. We must to heighten their social and political consciousness by linking the burning issues of the day with their local problems, and raising their local issues and struggles to an understanding of the fundamental problems of the Filipino people and the need to wage collective struggle.
We must provide the conditions for the masses to participate democratically in discussions and decision-making, in order to rouse them to take action. We must earnestly combine sweeping propaganda and organizing, with solid and persevering mass work. We must overcome past shortcomings of one-sided sweeping, activity-driven, issue-centered and office-based work. We must produce more and more full-time mass work cadres, who will combine with an even bigger number of activists in propaganda and organizing teams. Social investigation and class analysis must be conducted with the clear aim of forging a plan for organizing and mobilizing the masses on the basis of their urgent social and economic demands.
Build and strengthen the various types of national democratic mass organizations to consolidate the relatively active or advanced elements among the masses. These must be combined with building even broader issue-based networks or loose-type organizations in order to reach and activate the middle elements, who in turn can help win over the relatively backward elements. Creative organizing tactics must also be adopted in order to evade and defeat the reactionaries’ surveillance and repressive policies.
We must conscientiously build or rebuild the underground movement and the revolutionary mass organizations both in the cities and countryside. The mass organizations allied with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) consolidates the most advanced section of the masses. They are the ready pool of Party recruits. The underground movement must be expanded in order to help conceal and secure the leading Party cadres and organizers. At the same time, it must carry out widespread revolutionary propaganda to broadcast the call for people’s war to rouse the people to support and join the New People’s Army.
The New People’s Army must effectively deploy its squads and teams to conduct mass work to ensure the steady expansion of its mass base. To deepen its ties with the masses, mass work units of the NPA must be able to render economic, health and education services to the peasant masses, while guiding them in waging anti-feudal struggles.
Persevere in advancing the people’s democratic revolution!
The Filipino people must realize that the only way out of the crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal system is by waging a people’s democratic revolution, to overthrow US imperialism and the class domination of big bourgeois compradors and big landlords, through their bureaucrat capitalist and fascist state.
The Party, the vanguard of the Filipino proletariat, reaffirms its commitment to lead the Filipino people in carrying forward the people’s democratic revolution by waging protracted people’s war along the strategic line of encircling the cities from the countryside. To advance the revolution, we must continue to strengthen the Party, the New People’s Army and the National Democratic Front.
While leading the economic and political mass struggles against the US-Marcos regime, we must wage revolutionary armed struggle, as the principal form of struggle.
Through rectification of past errors, weaknesses and shortcomings, we aim to strengthen the New People’s Army, recover from losses, and frustrate the enemy’s strategic offensive. All Party cadres and Red commanders and fighters of the NPA must have a clear grasp of the dialectics of the protracted people’s war, and how it develops through the probable stages of strategic defensive, strategic stalemate and strategic offensive.
By waging guerrilla warfare over a protracted period, the New People’s Army can grow from small and weak to big and strong, by defeating the enemy’s superior force part by part. Errors and shortcomings such as premature regularization and military adventurism, and self-constriction and military conservatism, however, can force back the NPA to previous levels. All throughout the period of strategic defensive, the NPA must wage extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on an ever widening and deepening mass base.
With a clear grasp of the current balance of forces and the level of the people’s war, units of the NPA have been reorganized and redeployed to more effectively undertake mass work to recover and expand the mass base and wage guerrilla warfare against the enemy. Red fighters of the NPA must continue to master guerrilla tactics of concentration, dispersal and shifting to defeat the enemy’s strategy of gradual constriction and focused and sustained military operations.
All guerrilla platoons and squads of the NPA, along with the militia units and the self-defense corps of mass organizations, must take the initiative to mount tactical offensives, selecting targets that it can defeat. At every opportunity, they must strike at the numerous weak points of the enemy. There is no dearth of weapons to use, from high-powered rifles or improvised guns, bombs, hand-grenades, molotovs, arrows, spears, traps, or slingshots. They must aim to take away the enemy’s weapons to arm new Red fighters of the NPA.
In mounting big or small tactical offensives based on their capability, every NPA guerrilla unit makes an invaluable contribution to the Filipino people’s struggle against the Marcos puppet and fascist regime. It emboldens the Filipino people as they wage all forms of resistance, and inspires them to take the path of revolutionary armed struggle.
They inspire as well all the oppressed classes and people around the world, who are similarly fighting for national and social liberation. Advancing the national democratic revolutionary struggle in the Philippines is the Filipino people’s biggest contribution to the global struggle against imperialism and resistance to imperialist wars.
We are confident that by deepening and broadening the rectification movement, we shall be able to forge a stronger and powerful Communist Party of the Philippines and lead the people’s democratic revolution to even greater victories in the coming years.
Carry forward the rectification movement!
Hold high the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!
Long live the Filipino people!
Long live the international proletariat!
Long live the Communist Party of the Philippines!
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