Red.Stream-October 7 Anti-Colonial Violence
字幕译文
卡萨姆旅和它在加沙的盟友于 10 月 7 日发动了一场突袭，
这场突袭被称为“阿克萨洪水”行动，至今已有一年了。
全世界都目睹了巴勒斯坦战士推倒围墙和铁丝网，
使他们的斗争在多年被忽视之后重新成为全球焦点。
10 月 7 日，巴勒斯坦争取解放的斗争再次成为我们的话题。
世界各地的人们，尤其是西方国家的人们，
开始追问：这真的是反殖民主义行动吗？
让我们仔细回顾历史，来了解一下。
联合国将殖民主义定义为一个国家控制另一个国家。
很简单，对吧？
但这种控制的表现形式和受到反抗的方式却因时间和地点的不同而大相径庭。
想想现在的海地，即法国殖民地圣多明各，
它曾经完全是为了支持法国的奴隶制种植园而存在的。
然后是阿尔及利亚，
它在 1830 年被法国占领，后来被视为法国的一部分。
而阿尔及利亚原住民几乎没有任何权利。
或者想想南非，荷兰东印度公司于 1652 年在那里设立了商行，
最终导致了残酷的种族隔离制度。
简单来说，殖民主义就是一个国家或一群人用武力暴力控制另一块领土，
然后派人到那里占领土地，即所谓的定居者，以便进行剥削。
殖民行径往往声称，在殖民者发现之前，被定居的土地是“不存在的”。
犹太复国主义者在描述巴勒斯坦被殖民之前的状态时，
经常用“把没有人民的土地给没有土地的人民”的论调来唤起殖民主义心态。 这句话被犹太复国主义者用来为他们在巴勒斯坦建立定居点辩护，暗示巴勒斯坦是一片空旷无人的土地，等待着他们去占领。然而，巴勒斯坦已经有原住民居住在那里，这句话的目的是抹去巴勒斯坦人的存在和他们与这片土地的联系，为殖民化正名。
殖民主义形式大同小异，在巴勒斯坦也不例外。
早在“大灾难 ”之前，犹太复国主义运动就明确了要殖民巴勒斯坦土地的意图。
现代犹太复国主义的创始人西奥多·赫茨尔
曾写信给一位名叫约瑟夫·考恩的英国犹太复国主义者，
请求他帮忙与臭名昭著的罗德西亚殖民者塞西尔·罗兹会面，
讨论巴勒斯坦的殖民计划，并承诺金融家可以从中获得巨额收益。
对巴勒斯坦的殖民化并非随着 1948 年的“大灾难”而开始或停止。
它一直在进行。
“大灾难”和 1967 年的战争
只是更广泛的犹太复国主义定居者殖民项目的一部分。
时至今日，约旦河西岸的土地掠夺仍在继续。
超过 60% 的西岸土地处于以色列的军事控制之下，
2023 年，内塔尼亚胡政府批准了 30 多年来最大规模的土地征用。
负责定居点规划的极右翼财政部长贝扎莱尔·斯莫特里奇
正试图让 100 万新的犹太定居者涌入约旦河西岸。
目前，已有超过 75 万以色列定居者违反国际法非法居住在那里。
以色列对约旦河西岸和加沙地带的控制，
使得以色列行使自卫权的说法显得十分荒谬。
2024 年 7 月，国际法院确认这两块领土是一个整体，以色列的占领是非法的。
去年 11 月，联合国特别报告员弗朗西斯卡·阿尔巴内塞表示，
以色列不能声称对其占领土地的人民进行自卫。
以色列受到了一个武装组织的威胁，
不论怎么定性，但它就是被占领土上的一个武装组织。
坦率地说，“加沙和以色列之间的战争”是错误的说法，
因为加沙不是一个独立的实体，它是被占领土的一部分。
国际法院的法官希拉里·查尔斯沃思在 2024 年 7 月表示，
巴勒斯坦人，由于他们是被占领的人民，并不效忠于占领者，
他们使用武力抵抗占领并不违反国际法。
事实上，巴勒斯坦人有权捍卫自己，抵抗以色列定居者的殖民主义。
以色列在约旦河西岸不断掠夺土地，并拒绝寻求和平解决方案，
这为 10 月 7 日发生的事件埋下了伏笔。
反殖民斗争没有千篇一律的模式。
每场运动都有其独特的环境。
但是，如果我们回顾历史，
就会发现一些有力的例子与巴勒斯坦正在发生的事情不谋而合。
以阿尔及利亚独立战争为例。
1954 年 11 月 1 日，
民族解放阵线在被法国占领的阿尔及利亚各地发动了 70 次袭击。
这一事件被称为“红色诸圣节”或“红色万圣节”，
它不区分平民和军事目标，也被广泛谴责为恐怖主义。
然而，如果没有这些袭击，阿尔及利亚可能不会在 8 年后赢得独立。
或者想想 1791 年的海地革命，这是世界上唯一一次成功的奴隶起义，
这场运动的暴力程度令人难以置信。
到 1804 年，海地革命者几乎消灭了海地的法国白人。
这些屠杀可以避免吗？也许吧。
但它们是海地去殖民化斗争的一部分。
如果革命者失败了，他们很可能会被法国压迫者屠杀。
暴力虽然残酷，但却确保了海地的独立。
反殖民斗争中的暴力并不一定值得庆祝。
谁喜欢暴力？没有人喜欢。
但暴力往往是这个斗争过程的一部分。
正如弗朗茨·法农所写，
殖民主义本身就是暴力，战胜它的唯一途径是通过更大的暴力。
列宁在 1918 年更深刻指出，
当被压迫者对压迫者使用暴力时，暴力必须得到支持。
看看过去二十年巴勒斯坦所发生的一切，10 月 7 日开始变得不可避免。
这是一个被围困的民族为自由而战的尝试。
但西方媒体和犹太复国主义者的喉舌往往
把 10 月 7 日的事件当成是突然出现的孤立的事件。
他们把 10 月 7 日当作一个分水岭，仿佛历史凭空被一分为二。
整件事在他们杜撰的日历上，只有“十月前”和“十月后”。
约旦河西岸持续不断的暴力和加沙正在发生的种族灭绝，
引发了前所未有的关于该地区未来的全球讨论。
尽管巴勒斯坦团体进行了广泛的谴责，但西方政府仍然坚持两国方案是通往和平的唯一途径。
部分支持巴勒斯坦的运动和某些支持巴勒斯坦的国家也是如此。
一些欧洲国家甚至承认在约旦河西岸和加沙地带的边界内建立一个独立的巴勒斯坦国。
但是，两国解决方案还现实吗？
以色列一再违反诸多法律义务，
包括它自身同意的 1993 年《奥斯陆协议》的一些义务。
两国解决方案的想法越来越像一个幻想，因为两个独立的国家从未真正存在过。
约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦权力机构始终更像是一个门面，
一个最终服务于以色列利益的独立傀儡。
信仰马克思主义的解放巴勒斯坦人民阵线和解放巴勒斯坦民主阵线，
甚至巴勒斯坦伊斯兰圣战组织等团体，从一开始就拒绝两国方案。
相反，他们呼吁建立一个包容穆斯林、犹太人和基督教徒的单一民主巴勒斯坦国，
这一方案完全被以色列及其在东西方的盟友所拒绝。
10 月 7 日的事件，尽管暴力，却向世界表明，
巴勒斯坦土地的彻底解放不仅仅是一个遥远的梦想，而是一个触手可及的目标。
但 10 月 7 日也凸显了另一个不可否认的事实：被压迫者的暴力是不可避免的。
这是对以色列几十年来系统性和不分青红皂白的暴力行径的自然反应。
想想看。
通过有偏见的“袋鼠军事法庭”审判约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦人，
同时为以色列人保留民事法院系统，这就是暴力。
切断对加沙的重要物资供应，并将约旦河西岸的水库军事化，这也是暴力。
这些不仅仅是政策。
它们是充满仇恨的暴力行为。
发生像 10 月 7 日这样的事情只是时间问题。
当天爆发的暴力事件并非在意料之外。
这是不可避免的后果。
字幕原文
It’s been a year since the AL-Qassam brigades and their allies in Gaza launched a surprise attack on October 7th known as operation AL-Aqsa Flood.
The world watched as Palestinian Fighters tore down walls and barbed wire, thrusting their struggle back into the global spotlight after years of being ignored.
October 7th brought the palestinian fight for liberation back into our conversations.
People everywhere, especially in the west, began asking, was this truly an anti-colonial act?
Let’s take a closer look at the history to understand.
The UN defines colonialism as when one state takes control over another.
Simple,right? But how this control looks and how it’s resisted can vary greatly depending on the time and place.
Think about how the French colony of Saint-Domingue, now Haiti, existed solely to support French plantations for slavery.
Then there’s Algeria, taken by the French in 1830 and later treated as part of France itself.
Although indigenous Algerians had few rights.
Or think about South Africa, where the Dutch East India Company set up shop in 1652, leading eventually to the brutal apartheid system.
In simple terms, colonialism is when a state or group of people violently take control over another territory by force, and then sends people there to occupy the land, known as settlers in order to exploit it.
Colonial practice often claims that the land being settled didn’t previously exist before being discovered by the colonizers.
Zionists were often evoke this colonial mindset by using the phrase “a land without a people for a people without a land” when describing palestine before they colonized them.
Colonialism isn’t a one size fits all, and Palestine is no exception.
The Zionist movement’s intention to colonize Palestinian lands was clear long before the Nakba.
Theodor Herzl, the founder of modern Zionism, once wrote to an English Zionist named Joseph Cowen asking for help to meet infamous colonizer of Rhodesia, Cecil Rhodes, about the Palestinian colonization plan, promising that financiers could make a colossal sum from it.
The colonization of Palestine didn’t start or stop with the Nakba 1948.
It’s been ongoing.
The Nakba and the 1967 war, were just parts of the broader Zionist settler Colonial project.
And even today, the land grab in the West Bank continues.
Over 60% of the West Bank is under Israeli military control, and in 2023 Netanyahu’s government approved the largest land seizure there in over 30 years.
Far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who’s in charge of settlement planning, is pushing to flood the West bank with a million new Jewish settlers.
As it stands, more than 750,000 Israeli settlers are living there illegally under international law.
Israel’s control over the West Bank and Gaza makes the idea of Israel’s right to self-defense seem entirely ludicrous.
In July 2024, the international Court of Justice confirmed that both territories are a single unit and that Israel’s occupation is illegal.
And last November, UN special Rapporteur Franchesca Albanese said that Israel can’t claim self-defense against people it occupies.
It’s been threatened by an armed group qualify it the way you want, but it’s an armed group within the occupied territory.
And frankly, even saying the war between Gaza and Israel is wrong because Gaza is not a standalone entity, it’s part of the occupied territory.
Judge Hilary Charlesworth from the ICJ said in July 2024 that Palestinians, by the very fact that they are an occupied people, do not owe an allegiance to the occupier and that their use of force to resist the occupation does not violate international law.
In truth, it’s the Palestinians who have the right to defend themselves against Israeli settler colonialism.
The Continuous land grabs in the West Bank and Israel’s refusal to seek peaceful solutions set the stage for what happened on October 7th.
Anti-colonial struggles don’t have a single formula.
They’re shaped by the unique circumstances of each movement.
But if we look at at history, there are some powerful examples that echo what’s happening in Palestine.
Take the Algerian war for independence as one example.
On November 1st, 1954, the National Liberation Front launched 70 attacks across French-occupied Algeria.
This event, called Riussaint Rouge or red All Saints Day, didn’t discriminate between civilians and military targets and was widely condemned as terrorism.
Yet without these attacks, Algeria might not have won his independence 8 years later.
Or consider the Haitian revolution of 1791, the world’s only successful slave revolt, which was incredibly violent.
By 1804 Haitian revolutionaries had nearly wiped out the white French population in Haiti.
Could these massacres have been avoided? Maybe.
But they were part of Haiti’s decolonial struggle.
Had the revolutionaries lost, they likely would have been slaughtered by their French oppressors.
The violence, though brutal secured Haiti’s Independence.
Violence in anti-colonial struggles isn’t necessarily something to celebrate.
Who loves violence? Nobody does.
But violence is often a part of the process.
As Frantz Fanon wrote, colonialism is itself violence, and the only way to defeat it is through even greater violence.
Lenin went further to argue in 1918 that Violence, when used by the oppressed against the oppressor, must be supported.
When you look at what’s happening with Palestine over the last two decades, October 7th starts to feel inevitable.
An attempt by a besieged people to fight for their freedom.
But Western media and Zionist mouthpieces tend to treat October 7th as if it came out of nowhere.
They treat it as a time frame in their own make believe calendars.
Before October and after October — BO/AO.
The Continuous violence in the West Bank and the ongoing genocide in Gaza has sparked global conversations about the region’s future like never before.
Despite widespread condemnation by Palestinian groups, Western governments still cling to the two state solution as the only path to peace.
As do segments of the pro-Palestinian movement, and certain pro-Palestinian countries.
Some European nations have even recognized an independent Palestinian state within the borders of the West Bank and Gaza.
But is the two-state solution even realistic anymore?
Israel has repeatedly violated it many legal obligations, including those itself agreed to as part of the 1993 Oslo Accords.
The idea of a two-state solution feels more and more like a fantasy, since two independent states have never really existed.
The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank was always more of a facade, an illusion of independence that ultimately served Israeli interest.
Groups like the Marxist PFLP and DFLP, even the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, rejected the two-state solution from the start.
Instead they call for a single Democratic Palestinian state that embraces Muslims, Jews and Christians alike, a solution entirely rejected by Israel and his allies in both East and West.
The events of October 7th, violent as they were, showed the world that the complete liberation of Palestinian lands isn’t just a distant dream, it’s a goal within reach.
But October 7th also highlighted another undeniable truth. The violence of the oppressed is inevitable.
It’s a natural response to decades of systematic and indiscriminant violence inflicted by the Israeli state.
Think about it.
Judging Palestinians in the West Bank through a biased kangaroo military Court, while reserving a civilian court system for Israelis, is violence.
Cutting off vital supplies to Gaza and militarizing the water reservoirs in the West Bank, that’s violence too.
These aren’t just policies.
They’re hateful, violent acts.
It was only a matter of time before something like October 7th happened.
The violence that erupted that day wasn’t just expected.
It was an unavoidable consequence.
